In Defense of Karen Bass

ERIC PREVEN’S NOTEBOOK - Karen Bass has been grinding, working daily to tackle an inherited crisis, and has been relentlessly scapegoated for the dysfunction of a system that predates her tenure. The homelessness crisis? A disaster decades in the making, worsened by bureaucratic inertia and political grandstanding. Public safety? A fire department left underfunded for years, is now weaponized against her. And yet, she’s the one absorbing the blame while others hide behind procedural walls and political maneuvers.

Her leadership has been thoughtful, and her decisions—whether you agree with them or not—show a commitment to the city that few can match. The firing of Kristin Crowley may have been a political setback, but bringing in Jim McDonnell wasn’t so bad. The Ghana trip? A momentary PR hit, but a distraction from real issues. The disappearing texts? A manufactured scandal designed to suggest a cover-up where none exists. Meanwhile, the City Council has quietly built a fortress around itself, shutting out dissent while Bass continues to engage.

But here’s the line in the sand: all of this defense is retracted unless she steps up and fights for the public’s right to be heard. Virtual testimony was a game-changer, allowing more people to participate in their government without being physically present at City Hall—something especially vital in a sprawling city where attending a weekday meeting in person is a luxury many can’t afford. The public was clear: they wanted it back. The council, now led by Marqueece Harris-Dawson, has shown no interest in restoring it.

Karen Bass needs to intervene. If she truly believes in transparency, if she truly sees public engagement as a guiding principle, she must make it clear that she doesn’t agree with the council president’s position. She must go full Trump—not in substance, but in style—by using her platform to demand that virtual testimony be restored. If the council wants to hide, let them, but she doesn’t have to be complicit in it.

She has the political capital, the public goodwill, and the moral high ground to push this issue. If she does, she proves she’s still the leader LA needs. If she doesn’t, then…

Please watch your step when boarding the carousel and hold onto the handrails for stability. Wait until the ride comes to a complete stop before getting on or off. Enjoy the ride! 

Welcome to the House of Mirrors:

Los Angeles City Hall, where every scandal reflects another, and the line between public service and self-service blurs into oblivion. It’s a place where elected officials, staffers, lobbyists, and nonprofit executives all take turns riding the merry-go-round—jumping from government positions to private gigs, back to City Hall, and then cashing in at a nonprofit conveniently receiving city contracts. The painted ponies go up and down, and nobody ever really gets off

Goats are helping to clear the hillsides... Why is this woman visible?

The Three Pillars of a Successful Corruption Racket
To run a good, old-fashioned graft machine, you need three key components:

1. Corrupt Elected Officials – Those who know how to feign outrage while quietly cutting deals. Think Paul Krekorian, sticking former staffers like Anna Hovaspian into key positions, all while ensuring redistricting control stays in the right (or rather, wrong) hands.
2. Complicit Nonprofits – The ones that siphon public dollars while providing political cover. The session began with commendations for St. John’s, as council members expressed admiration for their dedication and courage in serving vulnerable populations. One council member emphasized the importance of recognizing the humanity of all individuals, stating, “No vamos a dejar a nadie detrás” (we will not leave anyone behind). Meanwhile, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation—each playing its role, whether it’s mobilizing for Measure G or collecting hefty city contracts with minimal oversight.
3. City Operatives & Bureaucrats – The glue that holds the machine together. Ray Chan, Adel Hagekhalil, Michael LoGrande—the behind-the-scenes dealmakers ensuring developers, lobbyists, and donors always get their slice of the pie.

Pay to Play, Wrapped in a Nice Little Nonprofit Bow
Take Tim McOsker and his One Five Fund. A former city attorney, lobbyist, and political insider, McOsker is now shaking down donors for his own pet nonprofit to fund services in his district—services the city should already be providing. Meanwhile, a cool $750,000 from Marathon Petroleum slips right into the fund.

Or let’s talk about Harvard-Westlake’s $180M sports complex—because when rich donors want a field, suddenly a “public-private partnership” makes it happen. Oakwood School’s $2M contribution to a Studio City park? Slipped through without discussion. When the wealthy want something, they get it. Meanwhile, Nithya Raman cluelessly cuts a ribbon on a $30M high school regulation basketball court while Harvard-Westlake effectively privatizes Studio City. Why? Because billionaire donors adore high school regulation basketball courts, and elected officials never say no to “the trustees.”

Lindsey Horvath and the AIDS Healthcare Money Train
Speaking of nonprofits, let’s not forget L.A. County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath and her cozy relationship with AIDS Healthcare Foundation (AHF). Recusing herself from votes due to Michael Weinstein’s multi-million-dollar backing? A classic case of political self-preservation. The question is: where does AHF’s money actually go? Now that Measure G passed, will they continue spending on targeted political campaigns (yes), or are they preparing to funnel funds into new ventures?  

The City’s Civil Rights Department: (spit take)

Capri Maddox, perched atop the L.A. Civil Rights Commission, gave a speech honoring women the other day right after announcing a new lawsuit against Citibank for alleged discrimination against Armenians.  The problem? The city itself is drowning in lawsuits, and the Civil Rights Department isn’t exactly a beacon of ethical leadership.  And the Armenian community has a strong presence in corruption.

Capri Maddox.

Meanwhile, let’s acknowledge a reality check—every ethnic and political faction has its hands in the cookie jar. The idea that one group is more corrupt than another is laughable. Whether it’s Mark Ridley-Thomas leveraging nonprofits to secure a USC faculty spot for his son, Jose Huizar running a literal pay-for-play real estate scheme, or Ray Chan and Michael LoGrande greasing the wheels for developers—the city is an equal-opportunity racket.

Revolving Doors & Soft Landings
The grift doesn’t end when politicians leave office. Karo Torossian, a longtime aide to Krekorian, is “exploring opportunities” after 15 years in City Hall. John Lee, who once worked for indicted and convicted former Councilman Mitch Englander, then became a lobbyist, then returned to replace his former boss, now chairs Public Safety while his corruption case with the DA simmers on very low heat. The road is long, and the party never ends.

Public Comment: The Last Stand
They can gerrymander districts, silence whistleblowers, and launder campaign contributions through nonprofits—but they still can’t shut down public comment. Paying attention and speaking out is the only disinfectant left in this miserable swamp. The moment they start cutting mics and limiting access, it’s game over. 

Smart Speaker:  Marqueece Harris Dawson is now officially eligible for removal.

The gears grind to a halt: 

“Ladies and gentlemen, this ride never stops. Keep your arms inside the vehicle and your wallets secured at all times. And remember—here at City Hall we only take cash or favors.”

Los Angeles Hoteliers vs. City Hall: The Cost Squeeze

Total Cost Breakdown (With Parking)

• Base Room Rate: $300
• Taxes & Fees:
• TOT: $42
• LATMD Fee: $6
• Resort Fee: $39.90
• Resort Fee Tax: $5.59
• Parking Fee: $50
• Parking Tax: $5
• Final Total: $448.49

Hoteliers in Los Angeles are growing increasingly frustrated with the city's relentless layering of taxes and fees, which they argue drive up costs for guests and threaten their bottom line. Between Transient Occupancy Taxes (TOT), Tourism Marketing District (LATMD) assessments, resort fees, and parking occupancy taxes, a stay in LA is becoming more expensive than ever—with little visible return in city services to justify the rising costs.

Here’s how the numbers break down at different price points:

• $200 per night: A guest ends up paying around $277.49 with taxes and fees—nearly a 40% markup on the room rate. For budget-conscious travelers, this could be a deal-breaker, pushing them toward short-term rentals or lower-tier accommodations.
• $300 per night: The final price jumps to $393.49—almost $100 in extra charges. Mid-tier hotels are caught in the squeeze: high enough to be impacted by rising fees, but not premium enough to justify them with luxury offerings.
• $400 per night: If a guest shells out for an upscale room, they’ll actually be paying $509.49 per night. At this level, the hotel may be able to cushion the hit with premium amenities, but the price tag still raises eyebrows, particularly for corporate travelers watching budgets closely.

The Irritation Factor:
For hoteliers, the frustration isn’t just about the money—it’s about where it goes. While hotels are expected to fund city marketing efforts, street cleaning, and tourism initiatives through these fees, many say they see little return. Meanwhile, the city continues to pile on additional costs, making LA less competitive against cities with lower hospitality taxes.

The problem? Travelers do the math. And when they see that a $200 room ends up costing nearly $300 after fees—or that even mid-range hotels feel like luxury price points—they start looking elsewhere. For an industry still recovering from pandemic losses, the city's aggressive taxation feels less like a partnership and more like an extraction scheme.

Behind closed doors:

The closed session agenda on Tuesday is packed with legal battles that highlight the city's ongoing liabilities. From disability discrimination claims within the LAPD (Adam Hollands case) to officer-involved shooting lawsuits (Margarito Lopez case), the city continues to grapple with costly litigation. Fire department incidents, vehicle collisions, and retaliation claims round out the docket, with no public discussion of settlement amounts or legal strategies. 

No Gracias: 

These are the brave ones who stood up and pushed back—likely with a little quiet encouragement from their City Council representative. In both Doran St. & West San Fernando Rd. (CD 13) and Lanark St. & Willis Ave. (CD 6), a majority protest existed, forcing the city to abandon assessments and prevent new streetlight installations. Whether motivated by rising costs, skepticism over city spending, or just plain defiance, these neighborhoods successfully blocked yet another fee from being tacked onto their property tax bills. In a city where rubber-stamping assessments is the norm, their resistance is a rare win against the steady creep of extra charges disguised as “improvements.” 

The Stupes:

It’s a fair question—why is César Chávez Day being placed on the supplemental agenda instead of the regular one? César Chávez Day is not exactly an afterthought, and the County has recognized it officially since 2017.

Did Solis forget to submit it on time? Or did she want to make a big splash by placing it on the supplemental agenda where it might stand out more?  Or the opposite?

Analysis of January 2025 Windstorm and Fire Response

High Fire Severity Zones...

Supervisors Horvath and Barger propose an independent After Action Review (AAR) of the January 2025 Windstorm and Critical Fire Events. The review will assess prevention regulations, response coordination, and recovery efforts, with a focus on multi-jurisdictional coordination, evacuation procedures, shelter access, and public communications.

The County will hire a consultant to analyze:

• Disaster response coordination between agencies for the Eaton and Palisades Fires.
• Evacuation and safe housing strategies for vulnerable populations, including individuals in skilled nursing facilities, County jails, and juvenile halls.
• Firefighting resources and mutual aid deployment adequacy.
• LA-RICS emergency communications system performance.
• Debris removal, donation intake, and volunteer mobilization post-disaster.
• Public health emergency response, including PPE distribution.
• Community repopulation and access procedures post-disaster.

Additionally, the County will participate in the Governor’s Office AAR, aligning findings with state-level disaster preparedness and response evaluations. County Counsel must report back every 90 days until final findings are presented.9

(Eric Preven is a Studio City-based TV writer-producer, award-winning journalist, and longtime community activist who won two landmark open government cases in California.)